Wednesday, April 26, 2017

ANTICIPATING THE NEXT CHAPTER

Dear readers,

I was recently accepted into the publishing course at Columbia University in New York City, where I will be moving in June to pursue my literary dreams. At this point, I think it is time to step away from the blog and diversify my reading material in preparation for this exciting new adventure. It is also time to thank everyone whose comments and encouragements made this project a rewarding experience and a source of personal pride. I can't wait to begin what I suspect will be the main trajectory of my life. Here's to many more years of reading, writing, and discussing!

Best,

Kathryn

Wednesday, April 19, 2017

THE QUEEN MOST LIKELY TO DAZZLE, DANCE, THEN DISAPPEAR


Young and Damned and Fair by Gareth Russell - Simon & Schuster (2016)


I don’t exactly envy any of Henry VIII’s six wives, but which do I pity the most? The first two unfortunate women bound in matrimony to the ‘English Nero’—Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn—were certainly dragged through the mud (both their names associated with the icky crime of incest) but they at least triumphed in their own steadfast beliefs. Both Catherine and Anne used their positions within the Henrician court to promote diverging religious doctrines (Anne’s devout Protestantism is too often overlooked) and in their own ways, they altered the power structures within England and its relationship to the outside world. Both women were slandered and scapegoated, but we also remember them for their resiliency and determination, and both can be viewed, to a certain extent, as martyrs. We might not agree with everything they did, but we must acknowledge their bravery in refusing to kowtow to Henry Tudor and his obnoxious entourage of codpiece-wearing wingmen. Then we have Anne of Cleves and Catherine Parr, both of whom were so innocuous and benign that they have been largely (and mercifully) forgotten. Anne of Cleves was ugly and smelly and Henry swept her under the proverbial carpet by calling her his ‘sister’ and setting her up in a posh estate in the English countryside. Catherine Parr appeared too late on the scene to develop a memorable personality of her own, and her marriage to Henry mostly involved maternal care during his final, tortuous years. These two women outlived the infamous spouse they shared and enjoyed quiet, comfortable retirements. And we certainly can’t single out Jane Seymour, that angelic ideal of female subservience, for our deepest degree of pity. Even though she died in childbirth, Jane was by far the most loved of Henry’s wives and the only one to deliver him a son and heir. 

So who does that leave? Catherine Howard. Her reputation was systematically destroyed in a manner similar to Anne Boleyn and Catherine of Aragon—with an emphasis on sexual deviance and moral impurity. And yet she lacked her predecessors’ strength of character. The historical records do not suggest that she nurtured any strong cultural values, religious beliefs, or political agendas. She was as passive and unconcerned as Catherine Parr and Anne of Cleves, but she was not granted their relative anonymity. She was a flighty and uncertain individual who was condemned as a treacherous harlot—an accusation even more painful for its assumption of a fortitude she lacked. The swift downfall of Catherine Howard makes modern historians uneasy because she was undoubtedly guilty of her crimes, but the extent to which she was thrust into a life she was unprepared for cannot be denied. Every other one of Henry VIII’s wives had extensive exposure to courtly intrigues prior to their royal marriage. On the other hand, Catherine Howard was uneducated, naive, and spent only eight months at court before Henry set his sights upon her. She is seen by many as a victim of a complex social apparatus she could not understand. Thus, even her guilt attains a sheen of innocence. 

In his biography, Young and Damned and Fair, Gareth Russell offers a sensitive and thorough account of Catherine Howard’s brief life. He recognizes the extent to which Henry’s fifth wife was manipulated by members of her own family and the courtiers in her midst, without losing sight of her own complicity. The portrait that emerges is one of a woman who knew what she wanted and followed her heart, but sadly was unable to understand that a queen of England could never enjoy such freedom. She seemed not to realize that her every action was scrutinized and catalogued by friends and enemies to whom she was no more than a pawn in a indecipherable game of power. Writes Russell:

…the interpretation of Anne Boleyn’s downfall as one in which a powerful but divisive queen consort was harried to her death with maximum speed, minimum honesty, and determined hatred has no bearing on her cousin’s fate five years later. What happened to Catherine Howard was monstrous and it struck many of her contemporaries as unnecessary, but it was not a lynching. The Queen was toppled by a combination of bad luck, poor decisions, and the Henrician state’s determination to punish those who had failed its king. A modern study of Henry’s marriages offered the conclusion that if “ever a butterfly was broken on the wheel, it must surely have been Catherine Howard,” and in the sense that the wheel in question was her husband’s government, then there was an inexorable quality about the way it turned to crush Catherine after November 2, 1541.

This was the date that Archbishop Thomas Cranmer left a note for Henry VIII in Hampton Court’s Chapel Royal, detailing the evidence of Catherine’s ‘dissolute living’ both before and after her marriage to the King of England. And once the seed of doubt was planted in Henry’s bloated, histrionic head, Catherine’s fate was all but certain. Whether or not she escaped with her neck intact, Catherine’s reign as Queen was finished the moment her absolute fidelity was brought into question. Henry was both insanely jealous and easily convinced. The men he trusted—Thomas Cromwell, Cardinal Wolsey, Archbishop Cranmer—all knew that the easiest way to oust a queen who failed to serve their own political aspirations was to play upon Henry’s paranoia and obvious desperation for a legitimate male heir. The atmosphere in Hampton Court was charged with fear and paranoia, a condition that did not escape the notice of visiting dignitaries like Eustace Chapuys. Writes Russell of one such horrified guest: 

In the descent into the chaos described by the Prince of Salerno, the office had already seen one queen banished into internal exile after twenty-three years of marriage, a second publicly butchered on charges that would have raised eyebrows at the court of Agrippina, a third who lay dying while her husband debated whether to cancel his hunting trip to Escher, and a fourth who had been metaphorically stripped bare before the public as every fold, sag, and blemish was discussed in excruciating detail to justify why she was too grotesque to please her husband. Just over a year later, the Privy Council claimed that everyone expected Catherine to succeed where the others had failed because “after sundry troubles in marriage,” Henry had found in her “a Jewel for womanhood.”

In the prevailing pop-culture interpretation of events (I’m looking at you Showtime), Catherine Howard is groomed by her step-grandmother and her uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, in order to seduce the aging king and secure the future prosperity of the Howard dynasty. Her subsequent downfall is thus seen to be the result of Howard enemies whispering lies into the ear of the monarch. In this version of the tale, both Catherine and Henry are preyed upon by warring tribal clans and have little agency themselves. There are two problems with this assumption, as Gareth Russell makes clear. First,

If the Howards had wanted to entice Henry VIII, they would not have chosen Catherine. She was damaged goods. Had they been as Machiavellian as the usual presentation of them suggests, at some point in the vetting process either the Dowager Duchess or the Countess of Bridgewater could have pointed out that elevating Catherine would put them all at risk in the long run. Rather, the King’s infatuation seems to have caught them all off-guard, and while her family then played the hand dealt to them—they would have been foolish not to—that is not the same thing as stacking the deck. 

The second reason we cannot see Catherine as merely an innocent victim of court machinations is because she did in fact commit the crimes she was accused of. Or, perhaps, we can say that she was a victim of court politics but not of false prosecution. There is, after all, incontrovertible proof that she was romantically involved with at least two men besides her husband, one of whom she met in secret during the course of her marriage. The real tragedy of Catherine Howard’s brief marriage to Henry VIII is that neither she nor her husband seemed to understand what they were getting themselves into. Catherine operated under the illusion that she could continue to live her life as an anonymous maid, and Henry continued to entertain the disastrous belief that the pure and sexless vessel he fantasized about might actually exist in the real world. In fact, Henry VIII’s ridiculous expectations for his queen (encouraged, no doubt, by groveling courtiers) are really to blame for the death of Catherine Howard. He wanted her to be beautiful but not desired. He wanted to see evidence of her infatuation with his royal person, but otherwise to be completely devoid of a sexuality. He wanted her to be pure but also to produce an heir to the throne. Writes Russell, 

Capable of parroting, expanding, or critiquing another’s thoughts, but incapable of developing many that were uniquely his, Henry VIII was intellectually skilled, but not brilliant. In itself, that is hardly a great failing or even an insult, but it became a problem because Henry failed to recognize his own limitations. Throughout his life, the majority of Henry’s troubles were caused by the fact that he constantly overestimated himself.

On the other hand,

…Catherine’s childhood and adolescence at Horsham and Lambeth were to shape her subsequent career in predominantly negative ways. Her education had rendered her poised, elegant, and immaculately mannered, with a talent for music and dancing that equipped her to succeed at court with a King who loved the former and had once excelled at the latter, but it also left her woefully unprepared for a position that required her to psychologically distance herself from her daily companions. Her youthful romances and easy dominance of her friends at Horsham gave her a taste for gossip and backstairs intrigue which she never had a chance to grow out of. The examples of her friends’ behavior and the extent to which she had escaped censure at Chesworth and Lambeth had also desensitized her to the opprobrium that such behavior could elicit in other environments. 
  
So why should we pity the fifth wife of Henry VIII? Not because she was an innocent victim of malicious prosecution. Nor because she was used in a callous attempt to boost the fortunes of scavenging courtiers. We should lament the death of Catherine Howard because she did not know what it meant to be a queen. The other five wives knew the risks and the rewards they were signing themselves up for. They knew they would be required to navigate the treacherous waters of espionage and hypocrisy, and that they very well might lose their heads in the process. Catherine Howard never received the education that would prepare her for a life among those whose true intentions were never clear or innocent. She trusted too easily and she gave too much away. She was, at the time of her death, still very much a child. This is the tragedy that lies at the heart of Gareth Russell’s phenomenal book, Young and Damned and Fair. And despite the impressive amount research crammed into Russell’s text, his thesis is not difficult to find—it’s right there in the title. 


Wednesday, April 12, 2017

THE PHOTOGRAPHER MOST LIKELY TO CAPTURE THE SPARK


Short Nights of the Shadow Catcher by Timothy Egan - Mariner Books (2013)


Haunting. That’s the best word to describe the photographs taken by Edward Curtis. Like many an artist before him (and many an artist to come), his single-minded pursuit of an unattainable goal cost him greatly in the domestic sphere, forced him to spend much of his precious time groveling at the feet of creditors and investors, and ultimately led to a lonely death in a squalid, unassuming apartment deep in the urban wasteland of Los Angeles. It has never been easy to be ahead of one’s time. Curtis, who was as much an anthropologist as he was a photographer, fell off the cultural radar years before his actual death. But his service to the native people of America, his ability to capture the ferocious pride and dignity of a battered population facing extinction, and his determination to document their lives as honestly and authentically as he could, deserves recognition—even if it’s belated. In his beautifully written biography, Short Nights of the Shadow Catcher, Timothy Egan lays bare the life of an artist. Curtis’ story is sometimes a painful one: he never made a dime from his Magnum Opus twenty volume series, The North American Indian, and was eventually forced to sell the copyright to pay off his debts; his marriage collapsed in a messy divorce and the spiteful destruction of priceless works of art; he could never obtain enough funding to support his ambitious projects. Most painful of all, the subject he sought to capture was quickly disappearing, as Native Americans in the late nineteenth-century were forced to choose between starvation and forced assimilation. Edward Curtis died a bitter and neglected man. But then you see the pictures, and you realize that somehow, despite the incredible resistance and racism Curtis faced on a daily basis, he found a way to make both himself and his subjects immortal. He captured the spark that lives in human eyes, the light that refuses to be extinguished, even under the most unendurable and oppressive of circumstances. 

Timothy Egan is a Pulitzer Prize winning journalist and author who excels in writing about downtrodden Americans. His 2006 book about those who lived through the Great Depression and the Dust Bowl, The Worst Hard Time, won the National Book Award for Nonfiction. In both this book and Short Nights of the Shadow Catcher, Egan displays a talent for writing about unfortunate people in a manner that does not render them insubstantial. His characters may be sick and starving, but they face the future with the grim obstinance of seasoned survivors. In fact, it is quite possible that Egan was drawn to Curtis because both men refused to see their subjects as helpless victims—and themselves as white saviors. The Native Americans captured by Curtis in his portraits are charismatic, multidimensional, and self-assured. There is certainly evidence of suffering and weariness in the lined faces and melancholy eyes, but there is confidence and determination as well. Curtis’ first Native American photographs were of ‘Princess Angeline,’ the eldest daughter of Chief Seattle. Writes Egan: 

The portrait of the princess was magnificent…[but] the picture was not what he’d had in mind when he first spied Angeline against the Puget Sound. Over the following weeks Curtis returned to Shantytown. He saw Angeline in the mudflat, stooped and dark-cloaked, shovel in hand—the clam digger in her element. This was more like what he had seen in a flash that day on the shore. The sitting portrait was fine, but he was drawn to something more natural. Angeline had to fit her background, and that could never be the studio on Second Avenue. Nor was he interested in the image of the shrew, the hag, the crone…No frowning, vanquished Indians here. No starving, bedraggled aborigines. No warriors. They were neither threats nor objects of pity. The subsistence life was front and center, an ageless figure digging for food in front of a tranquil bay, with a distant island and benign clouds in the background, no sign of a city at all. No face was visible either—just the hunched-over silhouette. Through his camera, Curtis gave the backbreaking work, which he never considered anything but lowly, a noble patina. 

This first encounter with Princess Angeline determined the course of Curtis’ life. He spent the next three decades working on one of the most comprehensive anthropological projects ever undertaken. Funded by J.P Morgan and encouraged by Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot, Curtis photographed more than eighty North American tribes, descending deep into canyons and battling icy Arctic storms to obtain his material. The finished project would be twenty volumes in length, cost roughly $5,000 per subscription, and document everything from hunting methods to spiritual dances. If Curtis had managed to photograph every Native tribe in America, that would have been impressive enough. And yet he went further. Writes Egan: 

He would embark on a massive undertaking…a plan to photograph all intact Indian communities left in North America, to capture the essence of their lives before that essence disappeared…it was an impossibly grandiose idea, and he was vague on the specifics of how to pay for it, how inclusive it would be, how long it would take and how he would present the finished product. What’s more, after recording the songs of the Sun Dance, Curtis further expanded his scope and ambition: he would try to be a keeper of secrets—not just a photographer, but a stenographer of the Great Mystery. And did Edward Curtis, with his sixth-grade education, really expect to perform the multiple roles of ethnographer, anthropologist and historian? He did. What Curtis lacked in credentials, he made up for in confidence—the personality trait that had led him to Angeline’s shack and Rainier’s summit. 

By the time Curtis sent volume XX off to the printers, he had amassed more than 40,000 photographs and 10,000 audio recordings. He had also composed a ‘picture opera’ in collaboration with the New York Philharmonic and created the world’s first feature-length documentary film. In fact, Curtis’ achievements in film have only recently come to light due to a 1914 legal dispute that suppressed the film upon its initial release. Nonetheless, historians are now able to view this remarkable production from a novice director whose values and inclinations were notably more progressive than those of his audience. Writes Egan of In the Land of the Head Hunters:

Curtis would use an all-Indian cast, all Kwakiutl, not a single Italian in face paint on a Hollywood back lot. He would shoot on location. He would make sure that every prop used, every costume worn, was authentic. The artwork, the houses, the totems, the dugout canoes, the masks, the weapons—all would be made by Kwakiutl hands. He would record native music and get musicians to play it. In essence, the film was a grand expansion of his still pictures and written narratives. 

Many modern readers, myself included, might take issue with Curtis’ unrelenting pursuit of ‘authenticity.’ He often asked his subjects to remove the jeans and t-shirts they wore on a day-to-day basis in order to don ceremonial costumes that were seldom used. He posed them in natural settings that were discreetly cleared of modern objects and machinery. It is undoubtedly problematic for a white man to insist that Native Americans going about their daily lives are in any way ‘inauthentic,’ or that they should not adapt in order to survive. In many ways, Edward Curtis aimed to preserve the ‘Noble Savage’ and elevate him above his fallen brothers—the ‘pure’ native who is doomed to disappear (an extinction that is somehow romantic) being evidently more valuable than the native who would betray his tribe in order to blend into the dominant culture. Writes Egan:

This kind of framing presented a people inseparable from an unspoiled world—just as Curtis had outlined in 1905. If, back at the government food clinic in town, an image of short-haired men in overalls lining up for powdered milk was more representative of modern Indian life, Curtis wasn’t interested. Would an Irishman in a hamlet on the Dingle Peninsula prefer to be shown trailing sheep or getting a care package from America? The question answered itself. Curtis was a documentarian only of a certain kind of life.

Limited and controversial as his perspective may have been, Edward Curtis’ vast accumulation of data cannot be discredited. Whether or not we choose to applaud his methods, the fact is that without Curtis’ energy and ambition, much of the information we have on Native Americans would be lost. Perhaps the best evidence of Curtis’ lasting contribution can be found in the tribes he visited. Writes Egan: 

After purchasing an original edition of Volume XII, devoted entirely to the Hopi, that tribe used the book to build and solidify its teachings, traditions, and language. The Hopi found the alphabet and the accompanying song lyrics crucial tools in teaching words that nearly disappeared. When [Egan] visited them in the summer of 2011, tribal leaders talked about an ongoing renaissance of the old ways: in schools, among community groups, on websites and through social networks, and said that nearly half of all members of the Hopi Nation in Arizona can now speak some of the language.

And then there are the pictures. Edward Curtis took some truly breathtaking photographs that feel imbued with the spirit of his subjects. They are, for the most part, quiet and observational—as though Curtis himself were invisible. Posed as they undoubtedly were, it is equally clear that a certain degree of intimacy and friendship existed between Curtis and the natives he encountered. His portraits of Geronimo and Chief Joseph are some of the most iconic images in the world, but his scenes of domestic life are just as poignant. In Short Nights of the Shadow Catcher, Timothy Egan sees Curtis’ life work as it was meant to be seen—as an attempt to celebrate something beautiful and spiritual and precarious. Suffice it to say, I am eagerly awaiting the arrival of my own coffee-table collection next week—a condensed volume of ‘one hundred masterworks.’ 


Thursday, April 6, 2017

THE COMPOSER MOST LIKELY TO ENTOMB HIMSELF IN MUSIC


Johannes Brahms: A Biography by Jan Swafford - Vintage Books (1999)


Seconding the opinion of absolutely no one, I would like to state for the record that my favorite movie is Fantasia 2000. Admittedly, my loyalty to what can charitably be termed an ‘uneven’ performance has something to do with nostalgia—my grandmother’s VHS collection consisted of nothing but Disney and Michael Flatley: Lord of the Dance—but I think there may be something else fueling my prolonged fascination with malicious mop buckets and sultry hippopotami. Despite my background in English literature and my acknowledged enthusiasm for ‘hundred dollar words,’ a part of me secretly agrees with Victorian art critic Walter Pater’s claim that “all art aspires towards the condition of music.” Instrumental music is fertilizer for the imaginative mind. A screaming violin, a ponderous oboe, an impish flute; these instruments and the sounds they produce can initiate mental journeys that vary greatly person to person—a kind of Goosebumps ‘choose your own adventure’ for the intellectually refined. Classical music allows access to an internal world that is always present, but often ignored whenever daily concerns and obligations demand attention. At its best, symphonic music provides a more direct channel to the human heart than any other medium. Although I will always chase after the fleeting pleasure released upon discovery of the perfect sentence—the spine-tingling sensation I enjoy when I light upon the right word—I know that language is limited, especially when it is called upon to articulate complex human emotions like desire, pain, and guilt. Our words will never be specific enough to convey the depth of our emotional responses, and part of the latent anxiety we must cope with on a daily basis has to do with convincing ourselves that the people we love know what we mean when we say that we feel ‘sad’ or ‘happy.’ The fact that love and pain are subjective causes endless frustration because there is no way to prove that we are being understood on a fundamental level. When we listen to classical music, when we willingly enter a realm that is mostly inexplicable and does not try to be otherwise, we feel, for a brief moment, that at least one other person in the universe has felt what we feel. The relief that floods my body whenever I realize that a composer has captured the violent ambiguities of my own emotions, and has further provided me with evidence of a kindred spirit, cannot be replicated in books or paintings or films. Sound flows in a primordial vein that predates any attempt to communicate via visual representation in words and symbols. It doesn’t happen often, but this ‘pure’ reaction to symphonic music cannot be understated. When I listen to a perfectly composed piece of classical music, I no longer feel that I am alone.

Johannes Brahms: A Biography by Jan Swafford is both a biography and an introduction to musical theory. Having enjoyed classical music all my life, it is somewhat astonishing that I have never really noticed or understood the mechanical side of composition. Johannes Brahms, more than any other composer, embodied what it meant to create during a time of transition—at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the Modern era. He felt the urgency of one whose values and contributions are relegated to the past before his own demise. He was as calculating and formulaic as Bach and Haydn, and probably more so than mischievous Mozart and temperamental Beethoven. He scorned Liszt and and his progressive New German School, but respected and admired Wagner, who actively sought the annihilation of beauty and harmony in instrumental music. Brahms extolled the old forms, but he made them his own, and he broke them down in ways less violent, but no more revolutionary, than the politically verbose modernists ruling Vienna. Writes Swafford:

Brahms was born into the atmosphere of German Romanticism and, laboring in a long period of sporadically interrupted but still unprecedented peace and prosperity across Europe, turned that spirit to his own eclectic and history-haunted purposes—his singular integration of conservative and progressive, Classical and Romantic, atavistic and prophetic. By the night of his last concert in the Musikverein, history appeared already to have rushed past Brahms and left him at once victorious and irrelevant, stranded on his lonely promontory. In that year approaching the last turn of the century before the millennium, Europe was falling toward unimaginable catastrophe, and the arts toward the corollary of Romanticism: the ferment and fever called Modernism. 

Like many artists before him, Brahms was obsessed with fate and the immortality of his music. He could sense that the Classical era was coming to an end and was desperate to preserve his name alongside those of Bach and Beethoven. Thus, he strove to eliminate the man behind the music. He burned letters, censored biographies, and destroyed any piece of music that did not live up to his own expectations. He aimed to be as ‘pure’ in the historical record as the pieces lauded by Walter Pater in his critical essays. Despite the examples set by Beethoven and Mozart, both of whom led scandalous and highly-publicized lives, Brahms firmly believed that a true artist was one who existed only within the realm of his music. A true artist never created anything less than perfect. He never degraded himself with fleshy infatuations or monetary concerns. He sacrificed all earthly comforts to become a slave to the engine of artistic creation. Thus, writes Swafford, 

…his story has remained shrouded, his art hard to place, his influence ambiguous, his persona indistinct. At the same time his music, which unites magisterial perfection with lyrical warmth, a monumental style with whispering intimacy, [lies] in the hearts of listeners everywhere…It was not because he cared nothing for history that Brahms attempted to obliterate the record of his life. It was very much the reverse: he was in awe of history. To a degree perhaps beyond any composer up to his time—and like most to come—he was obsessed by the past. 

Besides an intimate psychological profile of Brahms the man and the crumbling Austrian Empire as a whole, Swafford also takes care to demonstrate the breadth of Brahms’ contributions as a composer. This is what makes Johannes Brahms: A Biography both an interactive educational text, and an innovative treatment of biography as a genre. Swafford’s account is roughly chronological, but he somehow manages to intersperse lessons on musical theory throughout his text. As Johannes Brahms gains in experience; as he forms relationships with artists such as Robert Schumann, Antonin Dvorák, and Joseph Joachim; as he confronts the oncoming storm of Wagner and the New Germans; Swafford demonstrates the effects these diverse influences had on his music. Thus, although Brahms was careful to erase the details of his life, we can learn something about him by examining his compositions alongside the contextual circumstances in which they were created. In other words, by dissecting the volatile artistic and social disturbances reverberating in late nineteenth-century Vienna, in reading the letters his contemporaries wrote to each other about Brahms, we can begin to form a hazy outline of his person. This is perhaps why Swafford spends so much time scrutinizing the technical aspects of each piece—Brahms’ treatment of counterpoint, harmony, and symphonic resolution. Writing about his pieces and the conditions under which they were written is, in many ways, the best way to write about Brahms. Describing the monumental Third Symphony, Swafford Writes: 

The very idea of ending a heroic, monumental work like this might have seemed unthinkable if Brahms had not done it here, with incomparable grace. Fragments of melody from the whole symphony seem to gather until they return us to where we began: with the opening melody of the work, Schumann’s theme. Now, though, it is resolved into its true nature as a conclusion, in a gentle F major that flutters downward to its resolution, and slips into silence. The winds that began the symphony by stepping away from stability into uncertainty now end the piece in a pure, long-sustained F major chord. It is the transformation of Schumann’s theme from searching and heroic, major wrenched to minor, to the peaceful valediction that is the abstract but no less moving “meaning” of this symphony.

Swafford’s obvious enthusiasm, and the admirable care he bestows upon each movement and measure, makes it easy to follow along on Spotify. In fact, one of the reasons it took me so long to finish this biography is because I stopped to listen to each piece Swafford describes in order to make the most of his analysis. In the process, I found that I was learning just as much about composition as I was about the life of Johannes Brahms. I finished this masterful text with a greater appreciation for the artists who manage to bring together numerous instruments and melodies into a nuanced and stratified whole. Johannes Brahms: A Biography is by no means an easy book to read—it is probably the most challenging biography I’ve read since embarking upon this project last Fall. But the rewards are great. I hear classical music differently now, and I love it more than ever. It touches me on a deeper level now because I understand the cost in mental labor it demands for its existence. Jan Swafford, whose accolades as a writer are surpassed only by his accomplishments as a composer, is a man who knows the role that music can play in nurturing and healing the human soul. Listen to the Third Symphony in F major—you won’t regret it.